Thursday, March 19, 2020
Factors Lat Amer Independence essays I agree with the statement that the growing acceptance of ideas and attitudes associated with modernization and Europeanizism that essentially caused the movement toward Spanish American Independence, but disagree that, no other factors were involved. There was a huge underlying factor involved and that was the resentment of Peninsulars by the Creoles. The resentment of the Peninsulars by the Creoles has been fermenting over a century and more. Where the Peninsulars under a Pre-Bourbon Crown held a lot of power and privileges over the Creoles in terms of political offices and large industry. What we see is a Latin American Society now grown up and in a rebellious teenage like state being coerced by a role model (Western Nations) against their parents (Spain). Bourbon Reforms, Entreprenuralism, Freetrade and Modernization are some of the factors that helped push Spanish American to seek Independence. To begin we must start with the Bourbon Reforms and freetrade examine their role in this process. The death of Charles II in November of 1700 marked the end of an era in Spanish history and the beginning of another. Charles decided on the french, Philip Anjou to succeed him. But England was very alarmed over the idea that there would be a union of France and Spain and this precipitated the War for the Spanish Succession that lasted from 1702 to 1713. The war ended with the treaty of Utrecht, which granted to England Gibraltar, Minorca and some important trade concessions in the Spanish Indies and a guarantee against a future accommodation between France and Spain. In addition a later peace treaty gave the Spanish Netherlands and Spains Italian possessions to Austria. This was a humiliating defeat for Spain and left the country with a deep and pervasive sense of pessimism and defeatism. The new established peace allowed for the implementation of a program of refor m ...
Tuesday, March 3, 2020
What to Do With Surface Tree Roots in Your Yard Tree and yard owners are often faced with the problem of a trees exposed surface roots. Tree roots that grow on the surface are difficult to mow or walk over and can affect the growth and health of nearby grass and ground covers. The usual response to remedy the situation is either to cut the roots or add fill soil over the roots and then replanting grass or ground cover. However, cutting out surface tree rootsÃ is not advisable as tree roots offer structural support and provide a nutrient flow that supports growth and vigor. When damaged, tree roots attract pests and pathogens. Trees that experience root removal or serious root damage can express top canopy death on the side the roots were harmed. Removing roots can also introduce rot into the root, the base, and the trunk of your tree. Adding supplemental soil to cover roots can also harm your tree. You can, however, add anÃ additional cover like mulch over roots to smooth out the surface of the landscape. Adding extra dirt,Ã on the other hand, can reduce the concentration of soil oxygen needed for roots to survive, and trees may begin to show symptoms immediately or decline over time upon covering them. Proper Treatments for Surface Roots Ultimately, the best advice for gardening or landscaping in a yard that has surface tree roots is to leave them alone and incorporate them into your designs. Dont grow your garden or introduce small ornamentals near a trees surface root system (its life-support system, essentially) as introduced extra vegetative competition may or may not survive against these large trees. Having plants that heavily compete for nutrients and light is never good within the trees critical root zone- the tree may not suffer but the cover plant will lose vigor,Ã probably struggle to thrive, and will cost you the price of the plant plus the planting time.Ã A better way to deal with surface roots is to cut a bed around the offending root system and cover with coarse mulch, making sure to not add more than an inch of extra soil. Trying to establish even a patch of tolerant grass or ground cover among the surface roots can often be difficult, andÃ it might actually be impossible to do because of natural tree root toxins produced by certain tree species. Symptoms of Tree Root Damage and Fill Injury In addition to the root injury itself, other visible symptoms of injury may include small, off-color leaves, premature fall color, suckering along the main trunk, dead twigs throughout the canopy of the tree, or even death of large branches. The types of tree injury will vary byÃ tree species, tree age, the health of the tree, root depth, type of fill and drainage. Trees that are usually severely injured by additional fill includeÃ sugar maple,Ã beech,Ã dogwood, and many oaks,Ã pines,Ã and spruces.Ã Birch and hemlock seem less affected by rootÃ fillÃ damage than other species, but elms, willow, London plane tree,Ã pin oak,Ã and locust seem to be the least affected. Older trees and those in a weakened state are more likely to be injured than younger, more vigorous trees when it comes to soil fill damage.
Sunday, February 16, 2020
The Various Aspects of Contract and Tort Law - Essay Example This research will begin with the essential elements for the formation of the contract in the UK and Ã¢â¬Å"invitation to treatÃ¢â¬ . Some common elements that are included in the formation of contract signify various features incorporated in a contract and its legal clauses. The valid contract that needs to be developed in case of the corporate sector should first focus on the situation for which the contract is being made. Although the basic elements of the contract remain same in most of the cases, the nature and duty of the contract change on the basis of the requirements. Some of the common elements required for formation of a basic contract have been evaluated below. Offer: Offer is the first and one of the two primary elements of a contract. Offer is formed on the basis of a consideration which enables the parties to the contract to develop a proposal. The offer must have clarity regarding the consideration involved and should have a specific timeframe for its acceptance. Th e advertisement of James for selling the printing press for Ã £50000 is an open offer. The offer for selling office computer Ann was also an offer. Acceptance: Acceptance is the second primary element of a contract and is done in response to the offer. The acceptance is based on the consideration provided by the offeree. The acceptance is also limited by the time frame and should be clearly mentioned. The reply on the part of Jenny in regard to the offer of James shows the acceptance of an offer. However, as Jenny had stated in new terms in her acceptance it can also be treated as a counteroffer. The counteroffer was made when Jenny offered an amount of Ã £40000 which nullified the previous offer. However, silence on the part of Jenny cannot be considered as acceptance.
Sunday, February 2, 2020
Supply Chain and Operations Management - Assignment Example According to the AIMS' Institute of Supply Chain Management, it is a management of a global network used to deliver products and services from raw materials to end customers through an engineered flow of information, physical distribution, and cash.Supply Chain Management (SCM) is the management of the relationship between the supplier's supplier and the customer's customer through the supply chain participants (Distributor/Wholesaler and Retailer) between them, mainly using information flow and logistics activities to gain Competitive advantage and customer satisfaction.A supply chain, as opposed to supply chain management, is a set of organizations directly linked by one or more upstream and downstream flows of products, services, finances, or information from a source to a customer. Supply chain management is the management of such a chain.In many cases the supply chain includes the collection of goods after consumer use for recycling. SCM is a cross-functional approach that in cludes managing the movement of raw materials into an organization, certain aspects of the internal processing of materials into finished goods, and the movement of finished goods out of the organization and toward the end consumer. As organizations strive to focus on core competencies and becoming more flexible, they reduce their ownership of raw materials sources and distribution channels. These functions are increasingly being outsourced to other firms that can perform the activities better or more cost effectively.
Saturday, January 25, 2020
Qualitative Research in Geography: An Overview Geography seems to be one of those disciplines that shifts its interest from one perspective to another without necessarily changing its central research questions. Qualitative methods have long been used within the discipline of human geography. However, it was not until recently that they have become sufficiently established that some consider them to have gone too far (Marshall, 2001), as the last decade has undoubtedly seen an expansion in qualitative work in both terms of the types of work and the topics addressed. This essay will address the fact that we have moved from a period when papers were prefaced with legitimisations of qualitative work to a time when we are seeing debates within qualitative methods over establishing orthodox approaches and standards. This will be done thorough a reflection on current re-evaluations of the most common methods Ã¢â¬â mainly interviewing and ethnography Ã¢â¬âand where they are developing. Qualitative approaches have long had a strong association with cultural, social and radical geographies, in part as a reaction to quantified social geography. For example, in terms of the geographies of gender, feminist critiques of masculinist approaches were picked up and an argument about empathy amplified the concern with qualitative methods. This also could be reversed, labelling qualitative work with a feminist `softness as opposed to hard science. This debate though, has matured, from quick over-assumptions that qualitative work was generally `soft, to considering its weaknesses and strengths in a more balanced fashion (Raju et al., 2000). Qualitative research has also had to wrestle with the argument that simply listening to, giving voice to and representing the silenced is not enough. There is now a maturity about qualitative methods in geography, but also that there comes with this a certain conventionality of approaches. In delving deeper into this discussion it is important to consider the continued debates about the framing of qualitative, and especially ethnographic, work, after the so-called Ã¢â¬Ëcrisis of representationÃ¢â¬â¢ and work in the performative vein, as qualitative research is often torn between a constructivist approach and a longing to convey a Ã¢â¬ËrealÃ¢â¬â¢ sense of the field. Geography has followed anthropology through these debates on ethnography and representation, responding to the question Ã¢â¬Ëhow is unruly experience transformed into an authoritive written account?Ã¢â¬â¢ (Besio and Butz, 2004: 433). There has been a backlash against what are described as Ã¢â¬ËexcessesÃ¢â¬â¢ of reflexivity in some responses to this question. For instance, Bourdieu (2003) called for a renewed Ã¢â¬ËobjectivityÃ¢â¬â¢ via structural reflexivity in a participant observation. He argues for a personal understanding of reflexivity, to address the academic and social structures that drive research agendas, which for geography in non-western settings would show how Ã¢â¬Ëacademic research practices Ã¢â¬ ¦ have relied extensively on remnant colonial discourses and structures of domination for access to research subjects, efficacy of data collection and legitmationÃ¢â¬â¢ (Bourdieu, 2003: 288). Katz points out that Ã¢â¬Ëin the field and in their private readings, ethnographers share a culture of evaluation which is masked by the fractious, even righteously indignant commentary that characterises rhetoric about ethnographic writingÃ¢â¬â¢ (2002: 64). Katz argues that Ã¢â¬Ëas ethnographers, we must do more than claim: we need to showÃ¢â¬â¢ (2002: 68). However, Besio and Butz (2004) offer an alternate reflexivity, taking Marie Louse PrattÃ¢â¬â¢s definition of autoethnography. Where rather than being about reflecting on oneÃ¢â¬â¢s own practice it refers to the subject or dominated peopleÃ¢â¬â¢s self-representation to colonisersÃ¢â¬â¢ terms while remaining faithful to their own self-understandings. This tradition is not just framing local knowledges; Gold (2002) looks to a globalised religious movement that is using its self-representations and indeed academic work in its self-constitution. This makes the important point of not separating ethnography from writing Ã¢â¬â not privileging oral research over written material but rather seeing productions of various representations as moments for situated reading and interpretations by all actors. If we thus move to models of representation as intervention rather than corresponding to prior reality, we might look for new ways of producing and judging truth. Besio and Butz (2004) provide their own critique of transcultural representation. They point out that this is not an automatic process but something that has to be worked at and may only be achieved in specific circumstances. The apocalyptic tones of this debate seem particular to anthropology with its habitual [re-] definition of fieldwork as residential participant observation Ã¢â¬â as opposed to the more plural practices of qualitative methods in geography. These reflexive studies raise questions about how the usual methods fit these new topics. Meth (2003) suggests that reflective, discursive diaries first offer a Ã¢â¬Ëdiscontinuous writingÃ¢â¬â¢, allowing people to change their minds and priorities, meaning that they are not dominated by what happened in the morning before an interview. Moreover, they offer different and possibly easier routes for respondents to express themselves, especially their emotions, and reflect upon their own world-views. Alternately, Harper (2002) provides a history of the Ã¢â¬Ëphoto-elicitationÃ¢â¬â¢ interview where pictures push peopleÃ¢â¬â¢s normal frames of reference to form the basis for deep discussions of values. The use of pictures in presenting material raises the issue of how visual and verbal relate to each other, whether they could speak to different ways of knowing rather than just being treated as different kinds of evidence (Rose, 2003). As Basio and Butz (2004: 444) note, the Ã¢â¬Ëvisual in ethnographic has generally not been used intrinsically for interpreting and representing ethnographic data and cultureÃ¢â¬â¢ but either as just more data or subordinated to a textualising metaphor. Whatmore (2003: 89) notes Ã¢â¬Ëthe spoken and written word constitute the primary form of Ã¢â¬ËdataÃ¢â¬â¢Ã¢â¬â¢, whereas the world speaks in many voices through many different types of things that Ã¢â¬Ërefuse to be reinvented as univocal witnessesÃ¢â¬â¢. This comes back to the heart of a new kind of programmatic writing which is Ã¢â¬Ësuggestive of nothing less than a drive towards a new methodological avant garde that will radically refigure what it is to do researchÃ¢â¬â¢ (Latham, 2 003: 2000). It is normally at this point, as we engage artistic approaches, that policy-orientated researchers voice concerns about a turn away from commitments to engaging ordinary people and offering them a voice. This seems to me to be a false opposition of committed, Ã¢â¬Ëreal worldÃ¢â¬â¢ versus Ã¢â¬ËinaccessibleÃ¢â¬â¢, theoretical research. It might be a good idea to end this report by returning our attention to the rich yet ambiguous and messy world of doing qualitative research. As Thrift notes: Ã¢â¬ËThrough fieldwork is often portrayed as a classical colonial encounter in which the fieldworker lords it over her/his respondents, the fact of the matter is that it usually does not feel much like that at all. More often it is a curious mixture of humiliations and intimidations mixed with moments of insight and even enjoymentÃ¢â¬â¢ Thrift, 2003: 106), where knowledge is coproduced Ã¢â¬Ëby building fragile and temporary commonplacesÃ¢â¬â¢ (2003: 108, see also Tillman-Healy, 2003). This seems to be a good summary of the qualitative work currently being done in human geography. It remains inspired by ethical and political concerns, and practitioners are deeply concerned by the moral and political implications of their work. Some of the old taken-for-granteds about fieldwork have been replaced, but it is instructive to wonder what questions have not been asked. While researchers have struggled to populate their work with real subjects rather than research objects, there have never been fewer attempts to talk about materialities in practice if not in topic. However, it does not seem that this entails a rejection of work that has been, is being and will be done, nor a turn from engaged and practical work; but that it does raise issues about the investment in specific notions of what Ã¢â¬ËresearchÃ¢â¬â¢ is, what evidence is and how the two relate to each other. References Basio, K. Butz, D. (2004) Autoethnography: a limited endorsement. Professional Geographer, 56, 432 Ã¢â¬â 438. Bourdieu, P. (2003) Participant observation. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, NS9, 281 Ã¢â¬â 294. Gold, L. (2002) Positionality, worldview and geographical research: a personal account of a research journey. Ethics, Place and Environment, 5, 223 Ã¢â¬â 237. Harper, D. (2002) Talking about pictures: a case for photo-elicitation. Visual Studies, 17, 13 Ã¢â¬â 26. Katz, J. (2001) From how to why: on luminous description and casual reference in ethnography (part 2). Ethnography, 3, 63 Ã¢â¬â 90. Latham, A. (2003) Research, performance, and doing human geography: some reflections on the diary-photograph, diary-interview method. Environment and Planning A, 35, 1993 Ã¢â¬â 2018. Marshall, G. (2001) Addressing a problem of capacity. Social Sciences, 47, 1 2. Meth, P. (2003) Entries and omissions: using solicited diaries in geographical research. Area, 35, 195 Ã¢â¬â 205. Raju, S., Atkins, P., Townsend, J. Kumar, N. (2000) Atlas of women and men in India, London, International Books. Rose, G. (2003) On the need to ask how, exactly, is geography visual? Antipode, 35, 212 Ã¢â¬â 221. Thrift, N. (2003) Practising ethics, in Whatmore, S. Using social theory, London, Sage, 105 Ã¢â¬â 121. Tillman-Healy, L. (2003) Friendship as method. Qualitative Inquiry, 9, 729 Ã¢â¬â 749.
Friday, January 17, 2020
In ShakespeareÃ¢â¬â¢s play, Ã¢â¬ËThe TempestÃ¢â¬â¢, the characters of Prospero and Caliban, represent two different extremes on the social spectrum: the ruler, and the ruled. Their positions on the social hierarchy are largely due to the fact that Caliban responds almost wholly to passions, feelings of pleasure; his senses, while Prospero is ruled more by his intellect and self-discipline; his mind. Within Ã¢â¬ËThe TempestÃ¢â¬â¢ there are obvious social implications regarding this social hierarchy, with the representations of characters such as Caliban and Prospero. During ShakespeareÃ¢â¬â¢s time social classification was much more rigid than today and some members of society were considered superior to other members. Shakespeare attempts to provide an example of this rigid social structure. Shakespeare illustrates how superior men differentiated themselves from lesser beings on the basis of race, class, and gender. Through the characterization of Prospero, Shakespeare pr ovides an example of one, who had reason to feel superior and often did voice his superiority, yet at times treated others on a more holistic level and even forgave otherÃ¢â¬â¢s wrong doings. In the closing scene of William ShakespeareÃ¢â¬â¢s, Ã¢â¬ËThe TempestÃ¢â¬â¢, through dialogue with Antonio, Prospero states Ã¢â¬Å"This thing of darkness I/ Acknowledge mineÃ¢â¬ (V.1.275-6). This statement by Prospero is simply stating what Prospero genuinely believes, that he is rightfully the master of Caliban and the rest of the island because he colonized it. Prospero had one attribute many, if not all, of the other inhabitants of the island did not posess; a wealth of knowledge. The source of all his power, in both ways of his magic and his obvious control over the other inhabitants in the play comes from his books. While he firmly believes he has power over almost everyone and everything in the play, Prospero has a very empathetic side as well. In the end he forgives Caliban for plotting against his life and even relates himself to Caliban. This shows that, in a way, CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s rebellion was quite successful because it showed Prospero some of his tyrannical and hy pocritical ways. One such example of ProsperoÃ¢â¬â¢s tyrannical and hypocritical ways is when Ariel reminds his master of his promise to relieve him of his duties early if he performs them willingly. In response to this deal, Prospero bursts into fury and threatens to return him to his former imprisonment and torment. Ã¢â¬Å"Thou liest, malignant thing! Hast thou forgot / The foul witch Sycorax, who with age and envy / Was grown into a hoop? Hast thou forgot her?Ã¢â¬ (I.2.16) Instead of Prospero acknowledging that Ariel has indeed lived up to his end of the deal thus far, he bursts into rage only acknowledging exactly what he did for Ariel in the first place. This in turn emphasizes ProsperoÃ¢â¬â¢s extremely autocratic stance, he puts Ariel down to build himself up. Another example ProsperoÃ¢â¬â¢s unnecessarily tyrannical ways is the first time Prospero calls for Caliban to enter in Ã¢â¬ËThe TempestÃ¢â¬â¢. Ã¢â¬Å"But as Ã¢â¬Ëtis, / We cannot miss him: he does make our fire, / Fetch in our wood, and serves in offices / That profit us. What, ho! slave! Caliban! / Thou earth, thou! Speak!Ã¢â¬ (I.2.18). While Prospero believes he saved Caliban from the Sycorax, his blue-eyed hag mother, he essentially kills CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s mother and takes away not only his mother and the land that is rightfully his, but most importantly his freedom as well. He takes away CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s freedom and forces him to be his slave. Ariel, who Prospero did indeed save from Sycorax is considered a servant, while Caliban, who was not imprisoned by Sycorax, but instead living with Sycorax as his mother was turned into the lowest form of a being. Essentially Prospero lands on CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s island, takes away everything he has, and then forces him to become his slave proclaiming he saved him from his witch mother. This is yet another perfect example of how Prospero displays the obvious social hierarchy and is also the typical colonizer. These actions and consequent reasoningÃ¢â¬â¢s are also prime examples of ProsperoÃ¢â¬â¢s horrible tyrannical ways from the beginning of the play. Prospero and CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s relationship is strained from the beginning of the play when ProsperoÃ¢â¬â¢s strong authoritative beliefs begin to surface. Caliban has the right of ownership of the island; however, Prospero firmly believes in the superiority of the white European over the half-devil islander. While this puts a strain on their relationship from the start, the boiling point came when Caliban attempts to rape Miranda, ProsperoÃ¢â¬â¢s daughter. Even after attempting to rape Miranda, Caliban was brutally honest in not denying his malicious intent. Ã¢â¬Å"O ho, O ho! WouldÃ¢â¬â¢t had been done!/ Thou didst prevent me; I had peopled else/ This isle with CalibansÃ¢â¬ (I.2.349-51). In response to CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s attempted rape and his obvious total lack of remorse for it, Prospero states, Ã¢â¬Å"I have used thee / with humane care, and lodge thee/ In mine own cell till thou didst seek to violate / The honor of my childÃ¢â¬ (I.2.345-8). Prospero recounts here that he has cared for Caliban and lodged him and he still has attempted to violate what is most sacred to him, his daughter Miranda. Again, Prospero belief that by killing his mother Sycorax that Prospero essentially freed Caliban so he has the right to claim Caliban as his own slave. He states that he has cared for Caliban and given him a home, while truly he has treated Caliban with no respect or gratitude at all throughout the play. Prospero is essentially riding on the belief that he has ultimately saved Caliban, so he is entitled to treat Caliban however he pleases and Caliban should accept that as well. While Prospero accepts no responsibility for CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s actions, in the end of the play his compassionate side not only comes out, but he also begins to forgive Caliban for the attempted rape and the plot to kill him. Ã¢â¬Å"As you look/ to have my pardon, trim it handsomelyÃ¢â¬ (V.1.93-94). Prospero is essentially stating, just go do a good job on this task and you have my forgiveness. He is finally starting to realize how poorly he has treated Caliban while still holding true to his autocratic ego and not accepting any responsibility. While CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s rebellion was not successful in the terms of his plot succeeding, it was successful in CalibanÃ¢â¬â¢s latent goal of wanting ProsperoÃ¢â¬â¢s genuine respect and not the classic master-slave relationship which Prospero has projected throughout the entire play. While Prospero and Caliban represent two different extremes on the social spectrum, their positions on the social hierarchy are largely due to the fact that Caliban responds almost wholly to passions, feelings of pleasure; his senses, while Prospero is ruled more by his intellect and self-discipline; his mind. Within Ã¢â¬ËThe TempestÃ¢â¬â¢ there are obvious social implications regarding this social hierarchy, with the representations of the characters Caliban and Prospero. In the end of the play, Prospero finally begins to break this social hierarchy and shows Caliban some much needed forgiveness.