Qualitative Research in Geography: An Overview

Qualitative Research in Geography: An Overview Geography seems to be one of those disciplines that shifts its interest from one perspective to another without necessarily changing its central research questions. Qualitative methods have long been used within the discipline of human geography. However, it was not until recently that they have become sufficiently established that some consider them to have gone too far (Marshall, 2001), as the last decade has undoubtedly seen an expansion in qualitative work in both terms of the types of work and the topics addressed. This essay will address the fact that we have moved from a period when papers were prefaced with legitimisations of qualitative work to a time when we are seeing debates within qualitative methods over establishing orthodox approaches and standards. This will be done thorough a reflection on current re-evaluations of the most common methods – mainly interviewing and ethnography –and where they are developing. Qualitative approaches have long had a strong association with cultural, social and radical geographies, in part as a reaction to quantified social geography. For example, in terms of the geographies of gender, feminist critiques of masculinist approaches were picked up and an argument about empathy amplified the concern with qualitative methods. This also could be reversed, labelling qualitative work with a feminist `softness as opposed to hard science. This debate though, has matured, from quick over-assumptions that qualitative work was generally `soft, to considering its weaknesses and strengths in a more balanced fashion (Raju et al., 2000). Qualitative research has also had to wrestle with the argument that simply listening to, giving voice to and representing the silenced is not enough. There is now a maturity about qualitative methods in geography, but also that there comes with this a certain conventionality of approaches. In delving deeper into this discussion it is important to consider the continued debates about the framing of qualitative, and especially ethnographic, work, after the so-called ‘crisis of representation’ and work in the performative vein, as qualitative research is often torn between a constructivist approach and a longing to convey a ‘real’ sense of the field. Geography has followed anthropology through these debates on ethnography and representation, responding to the question ‘how is unruly experience transformed into an authoritive written account?’ (Besio and Butz, 2004: 433). There has been a backlash against what are described as ‘excesses’ of reflexivity in some responses to this question. For instance, Bourdieu (2003) called for a renewed ‘objectivity’ via structural reflexivity in a participant observation. He argues for a personal understanding of reflexivity, to address the academic and social structures that drive research agendas, which for geography in non-western settings would show how ‘academic research practices †¦ have relied extensively on remnant colonial discourses and structures of domination for access to research subjects, efficacy of data collection and legitmation’ (Bourdieu, 2003: 288). Katz points out that ‘in the field and in their private readings, ethnographers share a culture of evaluation which is masked by the fractious, even righteously indignant commentary that characterises rhetoric about ethnographic writing’ (2002: 64). Katz argues that ‘as ethnographers, we must do more than claim: we need to show’ (2002: 68). However, Besio and Butz (2004) offer an alternate reflexivity, taking Marie Louse Pratt’s definition of autoethnography. Where rather than being about reflecting on one’s own practice it refers to the subject or dominated people’s self-representation to colonisers’ terms while remaining faithful to their own self-understandings. This tradition is not just framing local knowledges; Gold (2002) looks to a globalised religious movement that is using its self-representations and indeed academic work in its self-constitution. This makes the important point of not separating ethnography from writing – not privileging oral research over written material but rather seeing productions of various representations as moments for situated reading and interpretations by all actors. If we thus move to models of representation as intervention rather than corresponding to prior reality, we might look for new ways of producing and judging truth. Besio and Butz (2004) provide their own critique of transcultural representation. They point out that this is not an automatic process but something that has to be worked at and may only be achieved in specific circumstances. The apocalyptic tones of this debate seem particular to anthropology with its habitual [re-] definition of fieldwork as residential participant observation – as opposed to the more plural practices of qualitative methods in geography. These reflexive studies raise questions about how the usual methods fit these new topics. Meth (2003) suggests that reflective, discursive diaries first offer a ‘discontinuous writing’, allowing people to change their minds and priorities, meaning that they are not dominated by what happened in the morning before an interview. Moreover, they offer different and possibly easier routes for respondents to express themselves, especially their emotions, and reflect upon their own world-views. Alternately, Harper (2002) provides a history of the ‘photo-elicitation’ interview where pictures push people’s normal frames of reference to form the basis for deep discussions of values. The use of pictures in presenting material raises the issue of how visual and verbal relate to each other, whether they could speak to different ways of knowing rather than just being treated as different kinds of evidence (Rose, 2003). As Basio and Butz (2004: 444) note, the ‘visual in ethnographic has generally not been used intrinsically for interpreting and representing ethnographic data and culture’ but either as just more data or subordinated to a textualising metaphor. Whatmore (2003: 89) notes ‘the spoken and written word constitute the primary form of ‘data’’, whereas the world speaks in many voices through many different types of things that ‘refuse to be reinvented as univocal witnesses’. This comes back to the heart of a new kind of programmatic writing which is ‘suggestive of nothing less than a drive towards a new methodological avant garde that will radically refigure what it is to do research’ (Latham, 2 003: 2000). It is normally at this point, as we engage artistic approaches, that policy-orientated researchers voice concerns about a turn away from commitments to engaging ordinary people and offering them a voice. This seems to me to be a false opposition of committed, ‘real world’ versus ‘inaccessible’, theoretical research. It might be a good idea to end this report by returning our attention to the rich yet ambiguous and messy world of doing qualitative research. As Thrift notes: ‘Through fieldwork is often portrayed as a classical colonial encounter in which the fieldworker lords it over her/his respondents, the fact of the matter is that it usually does not feel much like that at all. More often it is a curious mixture of humiliations and intimidations mixed with moments of insight and even enjoyment’ Thrift, 2003: 106), where knowledge is coproduced ‘by building fragile and temporary commonplaces’ (2003: 108, see also Tillman-Healy, 2003). This seems to be a good summary of the qualitative work currently being done in human geography. It remains inspired by ethical and political concerns, and practitioners are deeply concerned by the moral and political implications of their work. Some of the old taken-for-granteds about fieldwork have been replaced, but it is instructive to wonder what questions have not been asked. While researchers have struggled to populate their work with real subjects rather than research objects, there have never been fewer attempts to talk about materialities in practice if not in topic. However, it does not seem that this entails a rejection of work that has been, is being and will be done, nor a turn from engaged and practical work; but that it does raise issues about the investment in specific notions of what ‘research’ is, what evidence is and how the two relate to each other. References Basio, K. Butz, D. (2004) Autoethnography: a limited endorsement. Professional Geographer, 56, 432 – 438. Bourdieu, P. (2003) Participant observation. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, NS9, 281 – 294. Gold, L. (2002) Positionality, worldview and geographical research: a personal account of a research journey. Ethics, Place and Environment, 5, 223 – 237. Harper, D. (2002) Talking about pictures: a case for photo-elicitation. Visual Studies, 17, 13 – 26. Katz, J. (2001) From how to why: on luminous description and casual reference in ethnography (part 2). Ethnography, 3, 63 – 90. Latham, A. (2003) Research, performance, and doing human geography: some reflections on the diary-photograph, diary-interview method. Environment and Planning A, 35, 1993 – 2018. Marshall, G. (2001) Addressing a problem of capacity. Social Sciences, 47, 1 2. Meth, P. (2003) Entries and omissions: using solicited diaries in geographical research. Area, 35, 195 – 205. Raju, S., Atkins, P., Townsend, J. Kumar, N. (2000) Atlas of women and men in India, London, International Books. Rose, G. (2003) On the need to ask how, exactly, is geography visual? Antipode, 35, 212 – 221. Thrift, N. (2003) Practising ethics, in Whatmore, S. Using social theory, London, Sage, 105 – 121. Tillman-Healy, L. (2003) Friendship as method. Qualitative Inquiry, 9, 729 – 749.

Intersections of Race, Class, and Gender in the Tempest Essay

In Shakespeare’s play, ‘The Tempest’, the characters of Prospero and Caliban, represent two different extremes on the social spectrum: the ruler, and the ruled. Their positions on the social hierarchy are largely due to the fact that Caliban responds almost wholly to passions, feelings of pleasure; his senses, while Prospero is ruled more by his intellect and self-discipline; his mind. Within ‘The Tempest’ there are obvious social implications regarding this social hierarchy, with the representations of characters such as Caliban and Prospero. During Shakespeare’s time social classification was much more rigid than today and some members of society were considered superior to other members. Shakespeare attempts to provide an example of this rigid social structure. Shakespeare illustrates how superior men differentiated themselves from lesser beings on the basis of race, class, and gender. Through the characterization of Prospero, Shakespeare pr ovides an example of one, who had reason to feel superior and often did voice his superiority, yet at times treated others on a more holistic level and even forgave other’s wrong doings. In the closing scene of William Shakespeare’s, ‘The Tempest’, through dialogue with Antonio, Prospero states â€Å"This thing of darkness I/ Acknowledge mine† (V.1.275-6). This statement by Prospero is simply stating what Prospero genuinely believes, that he is rightfully the master of Caliban and the rest of the island because he colonized it. Prospero had one attribute many, if not all, of the other inhabitants of the island did not posess; a wealth of knowledge. The source of all his power, in both ways of his magic and his obvious control over the other inhabitants in the play comes from his books. While he firmly believes he has power over almost everyone and everything in the play, Prospero has a very empathetic side as well. In the end he forgives Caliban for plotting against his life and even relates himself to Caliban. This shows that, in a way, Caliban’s rebellion was quite successful because it showed Prospero some of his tyrannical and hy pocritical ways. One such example of Prospero’s tyrannical and hypocritical ways is when Ariel reminds his master of his promise to relieve him of his duties early if he performs them willingly. In response to this deal, Prospero bursts into fury and threatens to return him to his former imprisonment and torment. â€Å"Thou liest, malignant thing! Hast thou forgot / The foul witch Sycorax, who with age and envy / Was grown into a hoop? Hast thou forgot her?† (I.2.16) Instead of Prospero acknowledging that Ariel has indeed lived up to his end of the deal thus far, he bursts into rage only acknowledging exactly what he did for Ariel in the first place. This in turn emphasizes Prospero’s extremely autocratic stance, he puts Ariel down to build himself up. Another example Prospero’s unnecessarily tyrannical ways is the first time Prospero calls for Caliban to enter in ‘The Tempest’. â€Å"But as ‘tis, / We cannot miss him: he does make our fire, / Fetch in our wood, and serves in offices / That profit us. What, ho! slave! Caliban! / Thou earth, thou! Speak!† (I.2.18). While Prospero believes he saved Caliban from the Sycorax, his blue-eyed hag mother, he essentially kills Caliban’s mother and takes away not only his mother and the land that is rightfully his, but most importantly his freedom as well. He takes away Caliban’s freedom and forces him to be his slave. Ariel, who Prospero did indeed save from Sycorax is considered a servant, while Caliban, who was not imprisoned by Sycorax, but instead living with Sycorax as his mother was turned into the lowest form of a being. Essentially Prospero lands on Caliban’s island, takes away everything he has, and then forces him to become his slave proclaiming he saved him from his witch mother. This is yet another perfect example of how Prospero displays the obvious social hierarchy and is also the typical colonizer. These actions and consequent reasoning’s are also prime examples of Prospero’s horrible tyrannical ways from the beginning of the play. Prospero and Caliban’s relationship is strained from the beginning of the play when Prospero’s strong authoritative beliefs begin to surface. Caliban has the right of ownership of the island; however, Prospero firmly believes in the superiority of the white European over the half-devil islander. While this puts a strain on their relationship from the start, the boiling point came when Caliban attempts to rape Miranda, Prospero’s daughter. Even after attempting to rape Miranda, Caliban was brutally honest in not denying his malicious intent. â€Å"O ho, O ho! Would’t had been done!/ Thou didst prevent me; I had peopled else/ This isle with Calibans† (I.2.349-51). In response to Caliban’s attempted rape and his obvious total lack of remorse for it, Prospero states, â€Å"I have used thee / with humane care, and lodge thee/ In mine own cell till thou didst seek to violate / The honor of my child† (I.2.345-8). Prospero recounts here that he has cared for Caliban and lodged him and he still has attempted to violate what is most sacred to him, his daughter Miranda. Again, Prospero belief that by killing his mother Sycorax that Prospero essentially freed Caliban so he has the right to claim Caliban as his own slave. He states that he has cared for Caliban and given him a home, while truly he has treated Caliban with no respect or gratitude at all throughout the play. Prospero is essentially riding on the belief that he has ultimately saved Caliban, so he is entitled to treat Caliban however he pleases and Caliban should accept that as well. While Prospero accepts no responsibility for Caliban’s actions, in the end of the play his compassionate side not only comes out, but he also begins to forgive Caliban for the attempted rape and the plot to kill him. â€Å"As you look/ to have my pardon, trim it handsomely† (V.1.93-94). Prospero is essentially stating, just go do a good job on this task and you have my forgiveness. He is finally starting to realize how poorly he has treated Caliban while still holding true to his autocratic ego and not accepting any responsibility. While Caliban’s rebellion was not successful in the terms of his plot succeeding, it was successful in Caliban’s latent goal of wanting Prospero’s genuine respect and not the classic master-slave relationship which Prospero has projected throughout the entire play. While Prospero and Caliban represent two different extremes on the social spectrum, their positions on the social hierarchy are largely due to the fact that Caliban responds almost wholly to passions, feelings of pleasure; his senses, while Prospero is ruled more by his intellect and self-discipline; his mind. Within ‘The Tempest’ there are obvious social implications regarding this social hierarchy, with the representations of the characters Caliban and Prospero. In the end of the play, Prospero finally begins to break this social hierarchy and shows Caliban some much needed forgiveness.

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The Characteristics of Takotsubo Cardiomyopathy - 2878 Words

Historical Background Takotsubo cardiomyopathy was first acknowledged in Japan in 1990 by Sato et al (Djuric 512). The United States did not have any report of Takotsubo until 1998 (Sharkey e460). Since 1998, scientific interest in Takotsubo has steadily increased. Dr. Scott Sharkey validates the increase in scientific interest: â€Å"In 2000, only 2 publications were recorded, compared with nearly 300 in 2010. Now, takotsubo is widely recognized, with reports form 6 continents and diverse countries† (e460). Dr. Salim Virani describes how the disease received its name: â€Å"In Japanese, â€Å"tako-tsubo† means â€Å"fishing pot for trapping octopus,† because the LV of a patient diagnosed with this condition resembles that shape† (76). To better explain this, the x-rays taken of the heart from patients with takotsubo show a narrow neck with a ballooned lower portion. These x-rays of the heart closely resemble the Japanese takotsubo, which is a ceramic pot they use to trap octopus in (Sharkey e460-e461). Dr. Arantza Manzanal explains how takotsubo was initially described â€Å"as a syndrome of reversible LV dysfunction with wall-motion abnormalities that involve the apical and midventricular segments† (57). Dr. Paolo Angelini rationalizes that â€Å"only during the last 2 decades have Japanese authors specifically categorized transient takotsubo cardiomyopathy (TTC) as an entity in itself. Before that time, TTC was often called â€Å"acute myocardial infarction with normal coronary arteries† (312). We willShow MoreRelatedRespiratory Syndrome : Symptoms And Symptoms1439 Words   |  6 PagesTAKOTSUBO CARDIOMYOPATHY 1 Takotsubo Cardiomyopathy Introduction and Background Takotsubo cardiomyopathy, also known as broken heart syndrome or apical ballooning syndrome, was thought to have particularly affect men. Now it affects both elderly men and women—mostly women in their 60s+. Takotsubo cardiomyopathy is generally perceived as a temporary psychological disorder which happens to affect the individual physiologically as well (Mayo Clinic Staff, 2011). Understanding Takotsubo cardiomyopathyRead MoreSymptoms And Treatment Of Respiratory Cardiomyopathy754 Words   |  4 PagesDisease Process Takotsubo cardiomyopathy, also referred to as broken heart syndrome, transient apical ballooning or stress cardiomyopathy is a type of non-ischemic cardiomyopathy in which there is a sudden temporary weakening of the muscular portion of the heart (Zamir, M 2005). It is an increasingly recognized clinical syndrome characterized by transient reversible apical left ventricular dysfunction (Nature Clinical Practice Cardiovascular Medicine, 2008), originally described as a transient occurrenceRead MoreSymptoms And Treatment Of Takotsubo Cardiomyopathy1636 Words   |  7 PagesIntroduction Takotsubo cardiomyopathy (TC) was originally described in Japan in early 1990s and has been recognized as an increasingly prevalent transient cardiomyopathy triggered by emotional or physical stress. In the past two decades, several variations of this ballooning syndrome have been described including the classic apical ballooning type, a biventricular type , a mid-ventricular type, and finally a basal type [1]. This condition can masquerade as an acute myocardial infarction clinicallyRead MoreHeart Failure : A Clinical Syndrome Characterized By Structural Or Functional Impairment Of Ventricular8006 Words   |  33 Pagesdisease 29 o Predominantly mitral and aortic valves o Other causes (14% of heart failure cases) can be classified based on their underlying pathology 5 29 - Cardiomyopathies o Familial cardiomyopathy o Estimated prevalence of familial dilated cardiomyopathy in patients with idiopathic dilated cardiomyopathy is 23% 11 o Acquired cardiomyopathy o Infective inflammatory myocarditis o Viral origin is most common but can also be caused by bacteria, fungus, and parasites o Commonly occurs in the setting